The NAACP works to remove all barriers of racial discrimination through democratic processes. It did so in the hopes of dealing a fatal blow to segregation under the equal protection clause. Also, it was easier to make the case that discrimination was occurring in professional schools. The small size of the Negro law school's faculty meant that its curriculum lacked both breadth and depth. Elementary schools were segregated, as the junior high school had been until 1941 litigation ended the practice. The NAACP could continue to urge the courts to find segregation inherently unconstitutional. The organization received some criticism for its strategy of working through the judicial system and lawmakers to achieve its goals, rather than focusing on more direct methods of protest favored by other national civil rights groups. The National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, or NAACP, is America's oldest and largest civil rights organization. Our History. The student-to-faculty ratio was three times higher at Howard than at Claymont. When Houston became the NAACP's special counsel in 1933, he reexamined Margold's litigation strategy. There were several plaintiffs, but Oliver Brown's name came first alphabetically, and as a result, when the case was filed in the federal court on February 14, 1951, the case bore his name. Multiracialism and a rejection of the kind of racism that prevailed in the first half and indeed beyond the first half of the 20th century has taken strong root in modern America. There was no library. The changes in racial attitudes among white Americans are perhaps even more profound than has generally been acknowledged. The NAACPs initial goal was to funnel equal resources to black schools. An effective way to demonstrate this is to search terms using the search engine on the NAACP's website. Which the city did four years before the 1964 Civil Rights Act. Racial restrictions, even of the most damaging kind, might be upheld, though only under "the most rigid scrutiny." The opinion commenced with a recitation of the history of the cases from the trials to the arguments in the Supreme Court. 3. Like Donald Murray, Marshall was a Baltimore native. They then made a series of commands. The National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) was formed in 1909 to fight Jim Crow, 20th-century America's experience with petty and not so petty apartheid. But there were far fewer graduate and professional programs and, therefore, fewer targets for a concentrated litigation effort. What strategy did naacp use to change segregation laws? Two things were left to the NAACP. What strategy did the NAACP use to try to end segregation See answers Advertisement andriansp I believe the answer is: arguing legal cases in court When minority workers felt that they've been discriminated in the workplace, they can contact NAACP and asked for assistance. For these reasons, Houston decided that while the NAACP should continue its efforts to create a Hobson's Choice for school districts by bringing facility and salary equalization suits, it should also add a new, perhaps more promising, focus: desegregation in graduate and professional schools. We strive for accuracy and fairness. LEGAL STRATEGIES. NAACP. There was segregation, but it was not universal. Asked by Justice Felix Frankfurter during the argument what he meant by equal, Mr. Marshall replied, Equal means getting the same thing, at the same time, and in the same place. Increasingly, access to the courts . The students intended to remain on strike until the local school board agreed to construct a new school. By August 1950, the University of Delaware was ordered to admit blacks to its undergraduate campus because of the "woefully inferior" opportunities otherwise available to them. At one point, he oversaw as many as 450 simultaneous cases. Google memorializes the Silent Parade when 10,000 black people protested lynchings. They all had a common aim: the elimination of Plessy v. Ferguson's "separate but equal" doctrine. I expect to die at 110, shot by a jealous husband. On the appointment, President Johnson later said that Marshalls nomination was the right thing to do, the right time to do it, the right man and the right place., As a Supreme Court Justice, he became increasingly dismayed and disappointed as the courts majority retreated from remedies he felt were necessary to address remnants of Jim Crow. Two Richmond lawyers, Oliver Hill and Spottswood Robinson, served in that capacity. NAACP lawyers brought the case in state court. In the atmosphere of the 1930s, and indeed for a long time after, any effort that seemed like it was directed at the integration of primary or secondary education would raise an emotional and political firestorm. The new law school's temporary facility in Austin turned out to be an office basement; the University of Texas had a permanent facility that housed a law review and a moot courtroom. The new law school had neither. Added 2/3/2022 5:18:03 AM This answer has been confirmed as correct and helpful. He did get through. The NAACP looked around for a strong plaintiff. In its charter, the NAACP promised to champion equal rights and eliminate racial prejudice, and to advance the interest of colored citizens in regard to voting rights, legal justice and educational and employment opportunities. Instead Margold urged an attack on "the constitutional validity of southern school systems as they exist and are administered at the present time [italics added]." Given the temper of the times, Margold recognized that it wouldn't do to attack school segregation under any and all circumstances. Houston no doubt took pleasure in seeing, in Marshall's commitment and performance, graphic evidence of the success of his policies at Howard. As it celebrates its centennial, the NAACP is reflecting on the progress made and the work still to be done. Southern white fundamentalist Protestant churches often have black parishioners. Shortly after Sweatt, Marshall, 43 other attorneys, and 14 branch and local NAACP presidents convened to develop the next phase of the legal strategy. The Court then traced the evolution of the separate but equal doctrine from Plessy through McLaurin (a case decided shortly before Sweatt in which the Court ruled that segregation within a desegregated institution, such as having blacks relegated to the back of a classroom, interfered with the educational process). Wells, Archibald Grimke and Mary Church Terrell. Thurgood Marshalls legacy lives on with the Thurgood Marshall Institute, a multidisciplinary center within the NAACP Legal Defense Fund. The segregated law school that Texas reserved for African Americans was unequal. Early in its fight for equality, the NAACP used the federal courts to challenge disenfranchisement and residential segregation. But the Supreme Court had disposed of the case without addressing Marshall's argument. The tangible differences were damning enough. It has lessened to be sure, but African Americans remain the most segregated of the racial and ethnic groups in the United States, with the exception of Indians on reservations. By now it was February 1948, and Heman Sweatt's fight to pursue a legal education at the University of Texas had gone on two years. Instead the court relied on a close examination of the facts and concluded that Murray had not been provided with an equal opportunity. For a short time afterward, he taught in the English department at Howard University. State officials, according to Margold's strategy, would be forced into the Hobson's choice of having to greatly increase expenditures on black schools or to think the unthinkable, providing one set of schools for all children. In this period of power politics, nothing counts but pressure, and still more pressure, through the tactic and strategy of broad, organized, aggressive mass action behind the vital and important issues of the Negro. Professional schools were also a tempting target for another reasonthey carried less emotional baggage. Like Houston, Murray was a graduate of Amherst College, and, by any standard, qualified for admission to the University of Maryland Law School. Houston's skillful cross examination of the dean of the University of Maryland's law school highlighted this point. It got Donald Murray admitted to the University of Maryland. In Sweatt, the NAACP was no longer alone. The rejection letter stated that the school "did not accept Negro students." The school was well equipped, and the grounds were beautifully landscaped. He explained his view that segregated education gave its recipients a false education. To be successful in eliminating segregated education throughout the United States, the NAACP realized it would have to convince the courts to take a much closer look at the equal side of the Plessy case. This rejection of outright racial bigotry even occurs in some quite unexpected precincts in modern America. Of course, the trial court found that the new school provided an education equal to that provided by the state university. The national office was established in New York City in 1910 as well as a board of directors and president, Moorfield Storey, a white constitutional lawyer and former president of the American Bar Association. NAACP units throughout the country. If that was done, it would be too easy for a peculiar set of facts, a shrewdly litigated defense case, or a clever and obstinate judge to thwart the NAACP's efforts. The Court had not explicitly overruled Plessy v. Ferguson; indeed, the Court was quite clear on that point. There would be even fewer African Americans eligible for admission. By the fall of 1950, the University of Maryland was forced by court order to open to blacks its graduate program in sociology. On these facts, the court found that there was inadequate funding and no guarantee that Murray would have been successful had he applied for a scholarship. The University of Maryland's law school was only open to whites. In effect, segregated education was bad education, for while education is meant to enlighten, segregation instead "intensifies suspicion and distrust between Negroes and whites, and suspicion and distrust are not favorable conditions for the acquisition and conduct of an education, or for the discharge of the duties of a citizen." Today, the NAACP honors its heritage of activism and continues to work for civil rights. Learn more about the Institutes vision and their fight to continue Thurgood Marshalls honorable mission for racial justice. Affirmative action programs exist to try to increase the number of minority students admitted to universities or minority employees hired by firms. His use of Redfield's testimony also showed that social science could be an important tool in the quest to vindicate the constitutional requirement of equal protection under the law. The march was one of the first mass demonstrations in America against racial violence. At Harvard he compiled a brilliant record, graduating in the top five percent of his class and serving as the first Negro editor of the Harvard Law Review. Houston served in France with the all-black, rigidly segregated Ninety-second Division and experienced some of the most strident racism of the Jim Crow army of that era, including almost being lynched by a mob of white troops. Marshall, who founded the LDF in 1940, won a number of other important civil rights cases involving issues such as voting rights and discriminatory housing practices. The black doll was selected when the children were asked which doll looked "bad.". Nonetheless, understanding the risk, he joined with the other conference members to support a resolution declaring that all future education cases would be aimed directly at segregation, not merely at the inequalities between black and white schools. Kenneth Clark was hired to provide expert testimony based on the doll studies. He immediately began the practice of law, representing the NAACP's interests in Maryland. Ultimatelyafter more than 100 years of effortthe NAACP and other groups were able to get a federal anti-lynching law passed and signed by President Joe Biden in 2022. Surprisingly, even the occasional right-wing antigovernment militia will sometimes have a black member or two. But the statute provided only $10,000 for scholarships: a paltry $200 each for up to 50 black students seeking a professional education out of state. In many ways it fit Winston Churchill's observation during the Second World War immediately after the allied victory in North Africa. W.E.B. Photographs and illustrations, as well as text, cannot be used without permission from the AFT. The percentage of African-American children raised in female-headed, fatherless households has risen dramatically since the Brown decision: More than 50 percent of all African-American children are raised in such families. Give me the doll that is a nice color. Asked by Justice Felix Frankfurter during the argument what he meant by equal, Mr. Marshall replied, Equal means getting the same thing, at the same time, and in the same place. The NAACP's fight against segregated education--the first public interest litigation campaign--culminated in the 1954 Brown decision. They have an expertise in the subject matter far beyond that which they have in other kinds of cases. These facts probably helped influence the Court's decision. Boards of education that ran elementary and secondary schools had an arsenal of potential defenses for differences between white and black schools. Du Bois, the NAACP would take the bully pulpit to push for the abolition of segregation and racial caste distinctions, and it would fight for open and equal access to education and employment for Negroes. These included: 1. Senior high schools were integrated, but they had separate teams in basketball, swimming, wrestling, golf, and tennis, as well as separate pep clubs, separate cheerleaders, and a separate assembly at which black students were urged to keep to their place. Learn more about the Institutes vision and their fight to continue Thurgood Marshalls honorable mission for racial justice. Murray was noteworthy. Through the courts, he ensured that Black people enjoyed the rights and responsibilities of full citizenship. As a result of class divisions within the African-American community, Gardner's group formed separately from the school's PTA, which was dominated by middle-class blacks. But if you see something that doesn't look right, click here to contact us! *Still, the NAACP received support from courageous Afro-American educators who allowed their names to be used to press complaints of discrimination in teachers' salaries. Marshall successfully challenged the board to only litigate cases that would address the heart of segregation. Most of the library's books had yet to be delivered to the new law school, and there was no full-time librarian; the University of Texas had over 65,000 volumes. The correspondence between Murray and University of Maryland officials allowed the NAACP to focus on the issue of segregation. In June 1954 Mississippi governor Hugh White met with a group of black and white leaders to implement his "equalization within segregation program," which endorsed voluntary segregation. Murray, the court noted, had been "denied admission on the sole ground of his color." Even if he had received a scholarship, the court found that Murray would still be at a significant disadvantage because of the added costs of commuting or relocating. All Rights Reserved. But professional schools were another matter. In 1931, the NAACP's first staff attorney, Nathan Margold, outlined a legal strategy to challenge school segregation. The legacy of slavery, caste, and racism is a poverty rate for black families that is roughly three times that for whites. In Korematsu, the Court stated that while "all legal restrictions which curtail the civil rights of a single racial group are immediately suspect [t]hat is not to say that all such restrictions are unconstitutional." Segregation in graduate and professional education was as common in the South as segregation in elementary and secondary schools. But it lacks the kind of official support that it had in generations past. Brown played an important role in challenging the system of caste and exclusion that had developed in American society. This is clear in the language of the appellate opinion. The rejection letter informed him that he could request that the state of Texas establish a law school for Negroes. Was a new building constructed for the white school and not the black one? This was controversial. Given the events that led up to Browntrials lasting several days in Kansas, South Carolina, Virginia, Delaware, and the District of Columbia; testimony presented by dozens of witnesses; and several days of intense arguments in the Supreme Court over a two-year periodthe opinion in Brown is remarkable in its brevity and simplicity. In 1957, LDF, led by Marshall, became an entirely separate entity from the NAACP with its own leadership and board of directors and has remained a separate organization to this day. Cases from across the country would be argued. The second part of the argument was also based on the equal protection clause. During this era, the NAACP also successfully lobbied for the passage of landmark legislation including the Civil Rights Act of 1964, prohibiting discrimination based on race, color, religion, sex or national origin, and the Voting Rights Act of 1965, barring racial discrimination in voting. Thus, Topeka had a limited option to have desegregated schools, and the city took it. (1952) and Gebbart v. Bulah (1952). The new school had only one alumnus. Marshall graduated from Lincoln University in 1930 and applied to University of Maryland Law School he was denied admission because the school was still segregated at that time. Houston was a man of extraordinary brilliance. This happened because the NAACP chose a strategy of litigation and, later, lobbying, that lost favor as African Americans and their allies turned to direct action as a strategy. Restaurants and hotels were segregated, but bus and train station waiting rooms were not. But it did order Donald Murray admitted to the University of Maryland's law school. The political opposition would be intense, perhaps fatal. There were those who were pleased with the new progress and reluctant to give up what had been a successful campaign. Though the facilities for black elementary children were older, they were the rough equivalent of their white counterparts' facilities. In 2009, the year he became Americas first Black president, Barack Obama spoke at a celebration of the NAACPs 100th anniversary. HISTORY.com works with a wide range of writers and editors to create accurate and informative content. Belton arose in Claymont, a suburb a few miles north of Wilmington. These were sanctioned, indeed often mandated, by law. And the state did not mandate segregation in elementary schools, but for localities above 15,000 in population, the state specifically allowed school segregation as an option. The South Carolina and Kansas cases would also be joined by two separate cases that were filed in Delaware: Gebbart et al. At the dawn of the 21st century, nearly half of the black population still lives in communities that are 90 percent or more black. Give me the doll you like to play with.2. The NAACPs campaign was largely unsuccessful, but it helped raise the new groups public profile.. By 1919, the NAACP had some 90,000 members and more than 300 branches. No matter how much money the state might spend at the black law school, how many faculty members the state might add, how large the student body might grow, or how large the library holdings might become, the qualitative differences in the intangibles associated with the two schools meant that to deny Heman Sweatt admission to the University of Texas was unconstitutional. It occupied a 14-acre site. The NAACPs anti-lynching crusade became a central focus for the group during its early decades. The percentage of black children born out of wedlock approaches 70 percent. In addition, black teachers who acted as plaintiffs in salary equalization suits ran serious risk of being fireda particularly severe risk given the desperate scarcity of jobs in America in the 1930s.*. The boycott was not supported by the local NAACP branch. Convinced that the law could be an important tool in the fight against racial repression, Houston began to give the Howard Law School a strong civil rights orientation. Maryland looked like it might provide fertile ground for such an effort. The court was forced to confront the constitutional issue. Chinese Which of the following is a Latino rights group? Founded in 1909, it was at the center of nearly every battle for the rights and dignity of African Americans in the twentieth century. Log in for more information. A white lawyer, Moorfield Storey, became the NAACPs first president. He established the first course in civil rights law taught at an American law school. Public facilities, public transportation, housing, and public schools were all rigidly segregated. They picked the white doll when asked which was the "nice" one or the one they preferred to play with. As one expert witness testified at trial, "a well-rounded, representative group of students" was necessary to enrich the learning atmosphere and to maximize the value of classroom discussion. He too had applied to the University of Maryland's law school in 1930, and like Murray, Marshall was rejected. Black children, in contrast, were required to travel by bus to Howard High in Wilmington, the only black high school in the entire state. After a ten-year hiatus, Du Bois came back to NAACP as the director of special research from 1944 to 1948. The British prime minister observed: "This is not the end, no it is not even the beginning of the end, but it is perhaps the end of the beginning." The civil rights struggles of the 1960s, which led to among other things the critical Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965, played a crucial role in dismantling legal support for the American system of race as caste. It would crusade against lynching and offer legal assistance to defend black people mistreated in criminal court. No two of these cases were argued by the exact same legal team. In 1951, Kenneth Clark, a social psychologist at the City College of New York, and his wife and fellow psychologist, Mamie Clark, developed a series of studies that examined the psychological effects of segregated and racially mixed schools on black children. After two years of inaction, the branch contacted the organization's headquarters in New York and requested assistance in filing a lawsuit. He was the architect of the legal strategy that ended the countrys official policy of segregation and was the first Black U.S. Supreme Court Justice. The average white schoolteacher earned two-thirds more than the average black one; and in contrast to its treatment of white children, the school board could not be troubled to provide a single bus for the transportation of black children. The Clarks' findings were corroborated by separate studies performed by other psychologists. Moreover, the liberalization of racial attitudes that started becoming part of American culture before the Second World War, a liberalization that provided an important, perhaps critical backdrop to the Brown decision, has continued. All rights reserved. Pioneering civil-rights attorney Thurgood Marshall, the head of the NAACP Legal Defense and Educational Fund (LDF), successfully argued the case before the court. The challenge would not be undertaken in just one district. The Negro university had only five part-time members and a tiny student body. The possibilities for long-term evasion of any reckoning over inequalities in primary and secondary education were clear. Thurgood Marshall took the case on behalf of 20 plaintiffs. Compared with most other cities, Washington's black community was well educated and relatively well off. Black people were only 7.5 percent of the state's population, and though they were, in general, relegated to the lowest rung of the economic ladder, they were allowed in some of the same civic organizations as whites. Marshall and his associates knew they would have to choose their cases and their clients carefully. Time afterward, he reexamined Margold 's litigation strategy the children were asked which was the `` nice one... Black children born out of wedlock approaches 70 percent for differences between white and black schools War after! Among white Americans are perhaps even more profound than has generally been acknowledged to at. 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